Simmel, Nietzsche, and Mediations of Value-Form: Four Fragments on Cultures of Capital
G.S. Sahota
Aurora Workshop 2025: Analytics of Value: Form and Critique in Contemporary Theory
April 5th, 2025
UC Santa Cruz
1.
“Value,” as a category within classical bourgeois economy, is thought to lie primarily within the sphere of the market. The delimitation of value as the result of pressures of supply and demand itself dissembles the wider determinants of this phenomenon. Far from being a category relevant only to the sphere of the market, value in Marx extends outward to the non-material zones of everyday life and pulls those into the machinations of commodity production, just as much as it radiates the instrumental-rational structure underlying the commodity-form into ever more ethereal realms, conditioning them to accord with the logics of accumulation. The value-form is already at play before the worker even arrives at the workplace, or the commodity on the store shelf. The temporal frame of capital penetrates beyond these domains. The sociality of value as generally necessary labor-time makes it difficult to determine where the market dimension of value comes to its limit and where it is exceeded. This ambiguity resulted in Critical Theory’s distillation of instrumental rationality, replotting what was an emanation of the workings of the capitalist marketplace into a separate phenomenon undergirding the tragic course of Western Civilization in Dialectic of Enlightenment. The reasons for this move in Adorno and Horkheimer are complex and revolve around some deliberate attempts to obscure their theories’ connection with the critique of capital. By placing it back into the more specifically historical context in which the capitalist mode of production is dominant, one can wrestle with the ways in which it conditions our everyday world without imagining it as an inexorable constant for all history. It is not clear what will help put in check the colonization of our life-worlds by the force of the market today; in the recent past, the category of the aesthetic assumed the role of resistance, as when the work of art was thought with its sheer uniqueness and potential break with conventional forms to counter the Enlightenment norms of identity-thinking. Utterly out of step with immediate utility, the work of art was thought to put to a halt the force of reification. Now we are in less certain times regarding the cultural realm as a whole.
What happens once the realm of culture becomes indistinguishable from the logic of accumulation, when it is coterminous with capital? It seems that a self-devouring process ensues. Over the course of this process one loses any sense of a rational end, and reason itself erodes. Postone was alert to this deformation of social logic. “Production for the sake of production signifies that production is no longer a means to a substantive end but a means to an end that is itself a means, a moment in a never-ending chain of expansion. Production in capitalism becomes a means to a means.” The occlusion of the fact of an underlying irrationality that undergirds the system goes hand in hand with the understanding that no option is any better than any other. Postone elaborates: “the relativism that prevents one from judging on substantive grounds the merits of one goal of production relative to another stems from the fact that, in capital-determined society, all products embody the same underlying goal of production – value.” The curious nature of a society that “cannot decide on value (or surplus value) as a goal, for this goal confronts them as an external necessity” even though it is nothing less than the product of this society’s own collective ideations and physical exertions is worthy of extended investigation. Value-form is hard fiction: iron-clad in its appearance, but underneath as malleable as mud. Commodity-fetishism is at once illusion and utmost reality. When the former is forgotten and the latter taken as nature, a seemingly inexorable process of social self-devouring unfolds and a state of entropy is unleashed. “Pure market sovereignty,” as Hobsbawm noted in a central chapter of The Age of Extremes, is a danger even to itself, for “capitalism had succeeded because it was not just capitalist.” Once all of those cultural inheritances that helped sustain it – Adam Smith’s customary “habits of labor” for instance – are undermined from within, the bottom falls out. Once this occurs, we seem to be tending in the direction of an illiberalism that may no longer be able to sustain the structure of capital in any recognizable form.
3.
Simmel’s work on the philosophy of money, the city, and the attenuated geistiges Leben that go along with both bears some scrutiny for our times. Though his commitment to categories of German idealism such as the absolute or the metaphysical may seem quaint to our blasé mindsets, there is no doubt that he understood the hardening of heart and mind that comes from the penetration of the money-form into all vestiges of urban life in his times. As the site where face-to-face relations begin to vanish under the imperative of abstract exchange relations, the city becomes the zone of expressive impersonality. Here “a relentless matter-of-factness, . . . rationally calculated economic egoism,” reigns. The indifferent nature of value – stripped of all uniquely distinguishing qualities through the processes of exchange – breaks down any vestige of Gemeinschaft, leaving in its train the “blasé attitude” whose essence is “an indifference toward the distinctions between things.” The elimination of the qualitative for the quantitative furnishes a gray horizon. To the blasé person, things appear in “a homogeneous, flat and gray color with no one of them worthy of being preferred to another.” How an oppositional poetics might take shape against these conditions is a matter worth considering on another occasion. Yet, one need look no further than Walter Ruttmann’s Berlin, Symphony of a Great City (1927) to note how the tracks are already laid in his aesthetic visions of the city that will lead him straight into the Third Reich and association with Leni Riefenstahl. Left to its own proclivities, this classic film of Weimar cinema demonstrates how the aestheticization of the machine goes hand in hand with the de-individuation of the human. Classes and hierarchies are naturalized, the human realm is mechanized. Nature as a zone of spontaneity and potential resistance is eclipsed; even animals are ranked in ways that match the various strata of capitalist society, but without antagonism. Simmel’s insights provoke some thinking about how one might challenge this ordering of the city according to the dictates of the value-form, how one might fashion a post-capitalist urbanism, a Paris Commune writ large for our moment.
4.
Nietzsche, the hard man of European philosophy who had rendered empathy verboten when it came to humans but not horses, would have no answers for the question of the monied city, or at least not intentionally. Yet his desires for an Umwertung aller Werte – a transvaluation of all values – furnishes some insights that oddly coalesce with those of Marx from a diametrically opposed position. These provocative insights on the question of equality and the value-form produce for us a political quandary that has never been fully resolved in Critical Theory. Simply put, the question is: what role does, or should, the notion of equality play in our politics? It is clear that capital cut a contradictory course on this question. The diffuse power of market exchange and a bourgeoning commercial public sphere made intelligible the claims of universal equality even while the core dynamism of the commodity-form structurally reproduced inequality. That is to say, the locus of modern equality is not given in the species homo. Rather it lies in the sociality underlying capitalist commodity-exchange, even though this very sociality is characterized by the ever-increasing material divide between capital and labor, enrichment and immiseration. Marx himself was always skeptical about the notion of equality, seeing it as an ideological ploy within the liberal ordering of people and things. This comes out most forcefully in The Critique of the Gotha Program where generalized equality is impugned. And it is on this very point that Marx finds himself in accord with Nietzsche, the fiercest critic of equality if there ever was one. Both are mistrustful of the liberal notion of equality, even if for differing reasons. For Nietzsche, as Malcolm Bull has noted in Anti-Nietzsche, “social inequality is the source of our value concepts, and the necessary condition of value itself.” Without quite realizing it, Nietzsche has discovered the key to the value-form in capital, against one side of which (exchange value) he rails, and in accordance with the other side of which (use value) he remains committed. The question of liberal equality and a communism that shuns such a fiction is one that brings together Nietzsche and Marx in the most unusual of ways. Like Aristotle perplexed by the nascent value-form in antiquity, it is perhaps not within the horizon of our historical experience to be able to answer for this.
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